Victor Grossman, alias Stephen Wechsler, der als US-GI 1952 zur Roten Armee desertierte, bei der Gedenkfeier zur Befreiung des KZ Buchenwald 2013.
„…. WHO IS TO BLAME ? …. Many countries caused the tragic exodus from Afghanistan – over 2 million refugees – but for fifteen years the US government has been the alpha-wolf. Iraq, well before the bombing and invasion of 2003, faced almost the same pack with the same alpha leader, and still suffers this never-ending fate, with over four million refugees, half within, half outside the country. Libya, Somalia, South Sudan, Yemen followed; for most of these on-going explosions the lit fuses pointed again to the lands of the wealthy.
Who is to blame for the hundreds of thousands of distraught fellow human beings from Syria who risk drowning to flee to Europe, for all those, from infants to grandmothers, still in a survival struggle on rocky Aegean islands or in Greek mud, facing Macedonian barbed wire and tear gas? Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey play a part in the misery, buying oil and ancient relics or selling – and often firing – modern new weapons. But the major mover is typically a tight, mighty band of heartless neo-cons and obscenely wealthy weapons-makers and profiteers with its center near the Potomac. Joining in were their blood- brothers on the Thames, the Seine, the Bosporus while those from Rhine, Spree or Elbe, with their long traditions, were key junior partners to those from the USA, but in Europe were again the most powerful, with tentacles stretching ever further outward. …….“ (Fortsetzung weiter unten)
108 Berlin Bulletins meines väterlichen Freundes Victor Grossman habe ich bisher hier nicht veröffentlicht. Das war ein Fehler, den ich mit der Veröffentlichung seines 109. Bulletins beginne zu korrigieren. Ich dachte, es sei nicht so nüztlich englischsprachige Texte auf meiner internet-Seite zu veröffentlichen, bis mir die griechische Pädagogin und Historikerin, Frau Prof. Dr. Maria Michaelidou erklärte, dass meine Texte international kaum zur Kenntnis genommen würden, wenn ich sie nicht auf Englisch publizierte… Nun werde ich meine Texte zwar nicht alle übersetzen, aber wenigstens die von Victor Grossmann im Original auf Englisch veröffentlichen. (Bei dem Grossmannschen Output käme ich neben dem Übersezten dann kaum noch zum Schreiben meiner eigenen Sachen :-O)))).
Dass sich die Lebensläufe meiner Vorfahren mütterlicherseits mit denen der Familie Wechsler sowohl auf der Krim als auch im Baltikum gekreuzt haben könnten, ist zwar nicht der Grund für die Veröffentlichung, spielt aber doch eine gewisse Neben-Rolle..
siehe dazu auch : „Der Krieg um die Krim hat tiefe historische Wurzeln: früher waren die Russen die Hunnen“ & „Benutzt Russland BLOCKUPY für Regimechange in Deutschland?“ & „5 Mrd $ für den Staatsstreich in Kiew & wieviel € flossen dafür in die Ukraine?“
The Thin Red Line, Gemälde von Robert Gibb, von 1881, zeigt die 93rd Sutherland Highlanders im Kampf gegen russische Kavallerie bei Balaklawa
Bei wikipedia hat jemand erstaunlicher Weise relativ korrekt über Victor Grossmann/Stephen Wechsler geschrieben:
Stephen Wechsler wurde als Sohn eines Kunsthändlers und einer Bibliothekarin geboren. Seine jüdischen Großeltern stammten aus Odessa bzw. aus dem Baltikum. Sie waren Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts aus Angst vor den antijüdischen Pogromen aus Russland in die USA geflohen. 1942 wurde Wechsler Mitglied der Young Communist League und 1945 Mitglied der KP der USA. Von 1945 bis 1949 studierte er an der Harvard University Ökonomie und Gewerkschaftsgeschichte und schloss 1949 mit dem Diplom ab. Anschließend arbeitete er auf Wunsch der Kommunistischen Partei als Industriearbeiter, weil es zu wenig Kommunisten unter den Arbeitern gab.[1] 1950 wurde er in die US-Armee einberufen, seine Einheit war in Bayern stationiert. Als bekannt wurde, dass er ein „Linker“ war, was er in den hysterischen Zeiten nicht wie erforderlich „gebeichtet“ hatte, erhielt er die Aufforderung, vor einem amerikanischen Militärgericht zu erscheinen. Darauf stand offiziell bis fünf Jahre Haft. Daraufhin desertierte er, schwamm am 12. August 1952 bei Linz über die Donau in die sowjetisch besetzte Zone Österreichs und kam zur Sowjetarmee. Nach zwei Wochen Verhör kam er über die Tschechoslowakei nach Potsdam, in die DDR. Dort war er nochmals zwei Monate in sowjetischem Gewahrsam. Zum Schutz seiner Familie, die noch in den USA lebte, nahm er eine neue Identität als Victor Grossman an. Anschließend lebte er bis 1954 in einem offenen Lager für westliche Deserteure in Bautzen, wo die meisten westlichen Deserteure damals wohnten. Zuerst arbeitete als Transportarbeiter im VEB Waggonbau Bautzen, später als Kulturleiter eines Klubs für die Deserteure, wo er dann wie die anderen einen Beruf erlernte – Dreher in seinem Falle. Von 1954 bis 1958 studierte er Journalistik an der Fakultät für Journalistik der Karl-Marx-Universität Leipzig. Nach eigener Aussage ist er „der Einzige, der sowohl von der Harvard- als auch an der Karl-Marx-Universität ein Diplom erworben hat“.[2] Nach dem Studium wurde er 1958 Lektor beim Verlag Seven Seas Publishers in Berlin. Von 1959 bis 1963 war er Mitarbeiter beim englischsprachigen German Democratic Report, einer Zeitung für die DDR-Auslandspropaganda, die von dem britischen Journalisten John Peet herausgegeben wurde. Von 1963 bis 1965 war er in der Redaktion für Nordamerika bei Radio Berlin International beschäftigt. 1965 bis 1968 leitete er das Paul-Robeson-Archiv an der Akademie der Künste der DDR. Ab 1968 ist er freischaffender Journalist, Dolmetscher, Übersetzer und Englischlehrer. Er engagiert sich in der deutschen Solidaritätsbewegung für den afroamerikanischen Journalisten Mumia Abu-Jamal.
1994 reiste er erstmals wieder in die USA. Nach einer Anhörung wurde er offiziell aus der US-Armee entlassen. Grossman lebt in Berlin. Er hält noch immer Vorträge, schreibt für verschiedene Publikationen, engagiert sich bei der Partei Die Linke. Unter anderem schreibt er einen Kommentar-Blog auf Englisch für amerikanische Leser, die an den deutschen Entwicklungen Interesse haben. … “
WHO IS TO BLAME
Berlin Bulletin No. 109, May 12 2016
Back in 1963 Bob Dylan (soon to be 75) wrote a bitter song; Pete Seeger also sang it often. It asks, after the death of a young boxer: “Who killed Davey Moore? How come he died, and what’s the reason for?” Then came the alibis of all those responsible, from the manager and media to the boxing crowds: “Not I… Don’t point your little finger at me.” Europe today, though not dead, is in deep disarray, heart-rendingly for very many and menacingly for the world. Here, too, one might inquire: How come? Who is to blame?
Many countries caused the tragic exodus from Afghanistan – over 2 million refugees – but for fifteen years the US government has been the alpha-wolf. Iraq, well before the bombing and invasion of 2003, faced almost the same pack with the same alpha leader, and still suffers this never-ending fate, with over four million refugees, half within, half outside the country. Libya, Somalia, South Sudan, Yemen followed; for most of these on-going explosions the lit fuses pointed again to the lands of the wealthy.
Who is to blame for the hundreds of thousands of distraught fellow human beings from Syria who risk drowning to flee to Europe, for all those, from infants to grandmothers, still in a survival struggle on rocky Aegean islands or in Greek mud, facing Macedonian barbed wire and tear gas? Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey play a part in the misery, buying oil and ancient relics or selling – and often firing – modern new weapons. But the major mover is typically a tight, mighty band of heartless neo-cons and obscenely wealthy weapons-makers and profiteers with its center near the Potomac. Joining in were their blood- brothers on the Thames, the Seine, the Bosporus while those from Rhine, Spree or Elbe, with their long traditions, were key junior partners to those from the USA, but in Europe were again the most powerful, with tentacles stretching ever further outward.
Despite its role, the alpha-wolf rejected any share in facing the consequences, and the earnest results of these wars hit their neighbors hard – but also Europe, especially junior partner Germany. Angela Merkel’s welcome call to all those seeking asylum, whatever its motivation, was followed by countless Germans working heroically to make life easier for refugees crammed for months into school gyms, airport hangars and empty buildings. But much of the media switched all too soon from seeming empathy into growing collusion with foreigner-haters who use every discomfort for local residents, every misdemeanor, true or false, of the frequently traumatized, jobless immigrants, often separated from their families, to reinforce existing prejudices against all people of different color, language or religion and to expand their own bigoted strength.
The PEGIDA-groups still march in Dresden on Mondays against “Islamization” but are overshadowed nationally by a party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD), not so openly thuggish as other far-right groups, but all the more dangerous. At their recent conference their demands in “fighting Islam” aimed at easy targets like the face-covering burka and niqab – hardly ever seen in Germany – and against muezzins, minarets and new mosques. Their slogans and demands recalled those heard during the GOP nomination campaign in the USA; much like Donald Trump, they seek support among people whose livelihoods are insecure, whose jobs are precarious, whose future is uncertain and who blame this on all established parties but also on victims suffering more than they. Far less emphasized, hardly even mentioned by the AfD are its demands for a return to the military draft, a build-up of German armed forces, lower taxes for the wealthy (no inheritance taxes), an increase in police snooping, a tougher penal system, making twelve-year-olds as accountable as adults, with “no pampering” of those in prison, no special treatment for addicts or “psychiatric felons”, no improvement in gay rights but opposition to abortion. Women would do best to stay at home and care for bigger families so as to achieve an increase in the “German” population.
As with Trump, this program is also combined confusingly with some acceptable social demands, a call for a better relationship with Russia; also a rejection of both the European Union and the euro, for all the worst, nationalist reasons. Yet the main trend of the AfD is more than clear and its menace all too reminiscent of Germany 85 years ago.
Xenophobic traditions are truly long-lasting in some minds. Today Muslimophobia is far more useful than anti-Semitism, in older or newer forms, if only for a lack of numbers to victimize. And with next year’s elections approaching, all other parties are hunting for lost voters, frightened by the strength of the AfD in state elections in March, with 12 % and 15 % in two West German states and a startling 24 % in the East German state of Saxony-Anhalt. The changing polls now give the AfD overall 14 %, in third place and ahead of Die LINKE (Left) and the Greens.
The worrisome results recall the tea party in Alice’s Wonderland, where everyone kept moving one seat further along – and only the first in line got a clean tea set. In today’s German version, fear of the AfD led to each party moving a seat to the right. The Christian Social Union (CSU), the reactionary Bavarian sister of Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the only such special state affiliate, distanced itself sharply from the plight of the refugees and came close to a split with its “Christian” partner, calling Merkel, from the very first words of her welcome, far too soft.
She, on the other hand, fearing threatening stabs in the back and losing popularity almost for the first time, modified her friendly stance, agreed to toughen conditions for the refugees, and met with Turkish president Erdogan to have him stop the refugee flight to the nearby Greek islands in return for greater acceptance into the “European community”, especially his main goal, visa-free travel. He was clearly using the refugee issue as blackmail; his formidable army and navy can undoubtedly permit or prevent the departure of the tiny, dangerous coastal boats at will to suit political policy.
But eager as Merkel was to dam up the stream, a rapid increase in repression in Turkey made her bargaining more difficult. Erdogan was jailing all journalists who criticized him, left-wing delegates were forced by physical attacks to leave the Parliament and whole Kurdish-majority cities were put under murderous sieges. A critical satire on German TV caused dissonances; it was followed by a jolly poem, somehow squeezed onto state TV, which insulted Erdogan in a jolly but intensely obscene manner, accusing him of pedophilia and sodomy with goats. Poor Merkel was caught in the middle (of the TV controversy); she shoved all decisions about the TV comedian and freedom of speech to the German courts and carried on with European Union negotiations with Erdogan (who fired his own prime minister for bargaining too leniently). They are still unresolved.
Making clear that she is as tough as ever, Merkel’s government, especially its evil genius, Finance Minister Schäuble, has refused to weaken pressure on poor Greece, which is not only burdened by many of the refugees but is still forced to push its population further into poverty and misery in order to pay off German and French banks for dubious past loans. Thus far the once-left Syriza Party has gone along, but anger – and perhaps desperation – are mounting.
As for the German Social Democrats, these junior partners in the government have weakened their high-minded defense of refugee rights to a whimper, while their top man Sigmar Gabriel has thus far gone along with the tougher restrictions, the policy on Greece and support for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), the European equivalent of the Asian-American TTP. His party’s move to the right – though no very big change – has meant a sharp decrease in their polling figures and election results, but a left-wing opposition in their party has gained little traction thus far.
As for the Greens, they avidly oppose compromises with Erdogan’s Turkey, but are divided on issues like immigration. The popular Winfried Kretschmann, first and only Green state government head, has formed a new government in Baden-Wurttemberg with the Christian-Democrats as junior partners, the first such alliance – and seems to be taking the Greens one more chair to the right.
None of these parties have rejected demands by “Defense Minister” Ursula von der Leyen to nearly double previous plans and spend $142 billion in the next 15 years on increasing the army size and buying ever more murderous weapons. Nor have they cried out against sending German military units, including planes which can carry atomic missiles, to join other NATO forces in maneuvers along the Estonian-Russian borders within a stone’s throw of St. Petersburg, despite fearful memories of June 22 1941 and the mass murder that followed. After a number of recent incidents near Russia, and knowing that some neo-coms and brass still dream of repeating Kiev’s Maidan Square in Moscow’s Red Square, all this has blood-chilling character.
Against all this, in the Bundestag at least, the little LINKE (Left Party) has almost always been alone. Yet recent election results were very disappointing and its poll figures remain stagnant at 8-9 %. Part of this is because of its courageous but risky support of the immigrants and their rights, but some trace this to a lack of bold, visible grass roots activity – “on the street” – which could convince confused, unhappy voters, especially in the working class, that the LINKE is not just another establishment party but the main fighter for their rights!
In recent years differences within the party have been moderated by a balanced leadership. Itstruly coming congress in Magdeburg on May 28-29th, which elects or re-elects party leaders and decides on directions in the German elections season, will determine how and how well the party can react to the constant danger of military conflict, to the question of refugees, to the economic troubles of so very many with bad jobs – or no jobs – and to the quasi-fascist menace of the AfD and its strong allies in Hungary, Poland, the Baltic countries and even France and Scandinavia. How well can they forge alliances and succeed, despite all the obstacles, in gaining strength and pointing a convincing finger at those forces, inside and outside Germany, which deserve the basic blame for all of these worries, tragedies and potentially deathly dangers?